Madison (CC BY-NC 2.0)
Christian nationalists wield growing influence in political discourse and are particularly active during election cycles. Followers believe the United States was founded as, and should remain, a Christian nation, a concept less about religion than about cultural identity, as noted by Amanda Tyler of the Baptist Joint Committee. This identity implicates a host of undemocratic ideals, from white supremacy, patriarchy, nativism, and militarism to authoritarianism.
Younger generations, with limited perspectives on history and civics, are especially susceptible to narratives blending religious agendas with secular governance. As the Reverend William J. Barber II cautions, “If we don’t address . . . this false narrative of religious nationalism, white supremacy, then the entire country will implode in on itself. And the future of our democracy is at stake.”
The pressing danger posed by Christian nationalism to democratic norms requires an immediate media literacy intervention. Media literacy interventions are educational initiatives designed to reduce harmful media effects. They teach audiences about elements of media that may influence beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors in detrimental ways, such as promoting violence, substance abuse, or misinformation. In health education, organizations like the American Academy of Pediatrics and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have recommended interventions targeting adolescents. Interventions have proven effective across various age groups, topics, settings, and countries.
As of 2023, 10 percent of Americans identify as Christian nationalists, with an additional 19 percent identifying as sympathizers. Forty percent of adherents believe that “true American patriots may have to resort to violence in order to save our country,” according to a survey by the PRRI/Brookings Institution. Christian nationalist rhetoric contributes to shifting values. As of last April, one in five citizens polled believe violence is acceptable to save the nation, according to a PBS NewsHour/NPR/Marist poll.
As many Americans abandon collectivist engagement for what Robert D. Putnam, in Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, calls “destructive individualism,” interventions may mitigate further harm. Divisive media messaging already influences political and legal discourse and policies. Shifts are evident in U.S. Supreme Court rulings in separation of church and state cases, in increased threats against local and national politicians, and in peak levels of hate crimes accompanied by political rhetoric. Further damage may imperil the integrity of national elections and the lives of poll watchers, journalists, and others working to serve the public.
White Christian nationalism follows party lines. Nearly three in ten Americans, largely Republicans and followers of Donald Trump, identify as adherents or sympathizers. More than half of Republicans either sympathize with (33 percent) or adhere to (21 percent) this ethos. Republicans are four times more likely (21 percent) than Democrats (5 percent) to be followers.
Religious congregations and ministries, such as the Mercy Culture Church in Fort Worth, Texas, and Parkview Church in Palm Coast, Florida, and televangelist Kenneth Copeland’s Victory Channel, take part in influencing politics, defying the doctrine of separation of church and state and the 1954 Johnson Amendment, an IRS regulation that prohibits churches from intervening in political campaigns. Pastors join networks and organizations like Watchmen on the Wall, a ministry of the Family Research Council; they’re told it’s their biblical duty to get congregants to vote for biblical values, according to journalist Katherine Stewart. The author of The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism, Stewart describes the role of faith-based messaging as pivotal in priming people for election fraud lies.
Leaders of the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR), who self-identify as prophets and apostles, are promoting spiritual warfare to effect Christian dominion. This theological movement amalgamates elements of evangelicalism, Pentecostalism, and the Seven Mountain Mandate, a conservative movement seeking influence over seven parts of society: family, religion, education, business, government, media, and the arts and entertainment. Initially a fringe faction, NAR has gained traction and visibility since the Trump presidency. Devotees include Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, Republican of Louisiana, and U.S. Representatives Marjorie Taylor Greene, Republican of Georgia, and Lauren Boebert, Republican of Colorado.
Language touting equality, freedom, and rights abounds in white Christian rhetoric. Surveys reveal that they believe their rights are being violated and that they’re subjected to greater discrimination and marginalization than other groups.
Interventions should alert news audiences to religious quotes used in secular settings and language vilifying “the other.” Born-again Christians spread the gospel with “John 3:16” placards at sporting events, rallies, concerts, or to preach hate and intolerance. The verse says: “For God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten son, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life.” Some brandishers of these signs, according to the Reverend Lou Kavar, are relaying the message that followers of other religions are destined to go to hell. Social media influencers like evangelist Sean Feucht, who has used the Proud Boys for personal security, manipulate scripture to advance their messaging.
When considering viewpoints and campaign platforms, media consumers should look for indicators of victimization rooted in a fear of losing power, status, or cultural dominance in an evolving social landscape.
Secular diversity, equity, and inclusivity efforts to fix historical injustices or systemic inequalities are portrayed as eroding nationalists’ religious and cultural identity. Words conveying threats to the white Christian nationalist identity include “culture wars” and “persecution.” Their perceived enemies are presented as “groomers,” “sheeple,” “snowflakes,” “woke,” “liberal elites,” and “RINOs [Republicans in name only].” Terms historically used to seek equality for marginalized citizens, such as “election integrity,” are re-engineered to invent or invoke voter suppression laws.
When considering viewpoints and campaign platforms, media consumers should look for indicators of victimization rooted in a fear of losing power, status, or cultural dominance in an evolving social landscape.
Christian nationalists’ words may imply U.S. superiority to other nations with phrases like “true patriots,” “decent Americans,” “our America,” “respecting the flag,” and “Americanism.” Good and evil are depicted as “patriots” versus “communists.”
The Appeal to Heaven flag, popularized by NAR leader Dutch Sheets, relays a call for Christian revolution in the United States. Historical inaccuracies may glorify the past while ignoring prior crimes against humanity.
Phrases used out of context, like “an eye for an eye,” are persistent political rallying cries. Hyperbole and metaphors are used frequently, as in a January 2024 campaign video titled “God Made Trump,” which went viral after being posted on Truth Social:
“God made Trump. God had to have somebody willing to go into the den of vipers, call out the fake news for their tongues as sharp as a serpent’s, the poison of vipers is on their lips . . . . God said, I need someone who will be strong and courageous . . . a man who cares for the flock, a shepherd to mankind who won’t ever leave nor forsake them . . . . So God made Trump.”
Politicians aligned with Christian nationalist ideology often invoke religious rhetoric in speeches and policy proposals, presenting their agendas as divinely ordained. They may also advocate for legislation based on conservative principles, including restrictions on abortion or LGBTQ+ rights, framing policies as essential to preserving the nation’s moral foundation.
Research supports a link between religion, conspiratorial thinking, and political violence. Conspiracy theories advance nationalist agendas by tapping into preexisting fears and grievances, feeding self-perceived victimization. From the COVID-19 pandemic, to election fraud, to gun rights, Christian nationalists espouse extremist visions.
The “Great Replacement” theory, coined by French white nationalist writer Renaud Camus, suggests that white Christians are being systematically replaced by immigrants and minority groups, orchestrated by a shadowy elite seeking to undermine Western civilization.
The QAnon conspiracy theory envisions a secret cabal of Satan-worshiping pedophiles within the “deep state,” plotting against Donald Trump. Adherents like former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn present themselves as warriors against evil and frame political opponents as part of alleged conspiracies. Strategies to address such theories involve advising news audiences to apply critical questioning to conspiracy theories, which are often racist and can lead to deeper levels of conspiratorial thinking.
Stoked with fear that their existence is on the line, Christian nationalists may see violence as a call to duty. Many confronted perceived transgressions with deadly violence during the January 6, 2021, Capitol insurrection. They viewed election results through an apocalyptic lens, demanding spiritual warfare.
Christian nationalists follow a warrior Jesus drawn from the Book of Revelation, according to Kristin Kobes Du Mez, author of Jesus and John Wayne: How White Evangelicals Corrupted a Faith and Fractured a Nation. Their Jesus—with eyes a “blaze of fire,” dressed in a robe “soaked with blood”—led armies of heaven on white horses in a triumphant battle against forces of the Antichrist; followers have no problem using violence to restore the United States to what they deem its rightful place as a Christian nation.
Media literacy interventions should analyze statements demonizing marginalized groups and framing political opponents as existential threats to justify extreme measures. Audiences should look for the weaponization of Christian flags, crosses, iconography, language, and prayer that invoke violence cloaked in the mantle of divine authority.
Media literacy interventions should also focus on Christian nationalism proselytizing across television, print and social media, rightwing talk radio, religious podcasts, and advertisements equating religion with secular institutions, patriotism, and politics. The Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty has created a remedial curriculum which includes a webinar “Democracy and Faith Under Siege: Responding to Christian Nationalism.”
Interventions should outline harms to public welfare. Evangelicals for Democracy warns of “voting restrictions on a massive scale; more aggressive police tactics targeting Black and brown communities; prohibiting interracial marriage and transracial adoption; ending protections for the religious liberty of Jews, Muslims, and other non-Christian faiths; and enacting policies that are hostile to immigrants and refugees.” The nonprofit cautions: “Now add to this the belief that women should be subservient to men and you have a dystopian society straight out of The Handmaid’s Tale.” Christian nationalism, it notes, has influenced policies such as book bans and the reinterpreting of U.S. history in schools. Less well known are efforts to require “In God We Trust” to be displayed widely in public places, and laws favoring intimate sexual relationships only between married, heterosexual couples.
A media literacy intervention can assist an informed electorate in holding leaders accountable for safeguarding democracy. Such a campaign could realign national values to reaffirm the separation of church and state, equal treatment under the law, and peace over violence.