Post-Mugabe euphoria animated hopes for a revamped economy and an end to the persecution of activists, state-sanctioned violence, and the undermining of the independence of the judiciary. Those hopes were quickly dashed. Photo courtesy of the author.
Zimbabwe inaugurated a new president on November 24, ending Robert Mugabe’s controversial thirty-seven-year reign. Mugabe’s demise has brought renewed hope and optimism to a country ravaged by decades of tyranny and economic mismanagement.
Although the new president, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, was a longtime key member of Mugabe’s regime, this has not diminished the hope of the people for reforms, economic recovery, and possible re-engagement with the United States and other countries. But none of this will be easy to deliver.
In recent memory, Zimbabwe has been closely associated with Mugabe’s increasingly isolationist policies. Having helped lead the guerilla war against British settler colonialism, he was viewed by most Zimbabweans as a gallant liberator when he became the country’s first prime minister in 1980.
But by the mid-1980s, Mugabe had launched a brutal crackdown on alleged dissident activities in the southwest of the country, beginning what would become habitual abuse of state power. The independence government made frequent use of state-of-emergency and other colonial era laws while the country’s constitution was amended to create a powerful executive presidency.
University of Zimbabwe students refused to sit for exams until Mugabe was gone from office. Photo courtesy of the author.
Mugabe’s tenure was marked with economic ruin and gross human rights violations. This led to the U.S. Congress passing the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act of 1991 to “support the people of Zimbabwe in their struggle to effect peaceful, democratic change, achieve broad-based and equitable economic growth, and restore the rule of law.”
The failed policies of Robert Mugabe and his ZANU PF party also led to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the biggest and most successful opposition party in Zimbabwe.
Ironically, Robert Mugabe’s ouster was brought about neither by the opposition nor the international community. Rather it owed more to Mugabe’s age, ninety-three, and the internal dynamics of his party, ZANU PF. The party gave an increasingly powerful role to his wife Grace Mugabe, whose denouncement of former Vice President Joice Mujuru helped drive her from office.
Similarly, Grace Mugabe’s public harangues of party members and government officials perceived to be aligned to then-Vice President Mnangagwa helped precipitate his ouster. Robert Mugabe dismissed Mnangagwa on November 6, paving the way for his wife’s ascendancy. The military announced a week later that it was prepared to intervene to protect the country from further purges.
On the evening of November 14, the army made good on its promise and occupied strategic areas in the capital city, announcing on national television that “Operation Restore Legacy” was not targeted at President Mugabe but the criminals around him. A public demonstration that drew tens of thousand of people was followed by the dismissal of Robert Mugabe, Grace Mugabe, and others from their own party. On November 21, with impeachment proceedings beginning in earnest, Roberta Mugabe resigned, prompting epic celebrations throughout the country.
Post-Mugabe euphoria gripped the country, animating hopes for a revamped economy and an end to the persecution of activists, state-sanctioned violence, and the undermining of the independence of the judiciary. Those hopes were quickly dashed. The new cabinet of ministers was chosen entirely from ZANU PF, including many from the Mugabe regime. Two ministers are long serving members of the military and of the thirty-four appointees, only seven are women. The military still maintains a presence on the streets and there are disturbing videos of army personnel assaulting civilians. The court system continues to be used to target perceived opponents.
It would seem that the new regime has commenced the new era by pursuing old methods.
But the national budget statement presented on December 7 offered a glimmer of hope regarding the new government’s approach to the economy. In order to reduce the bloated national wage bill, the finance minister announced a series of reforms, including reductions of the national bureaucracy and the end of first-class travel privileges for all government personnel outside of the presidium. The new government has also announced its intention to engage with the United States, United Kingdom, European Union, and international financial institutions.
These measures represent small but vital steps toward re-engagement with the global north to revive a moribund economy. None of this should overshadow the need to address human rights issues which have the potential to undermine those economic initiatives. Hopefully, international engagements will also address the human rights conditions and independence of the courts as important measures of the new administration’s performance.
David T Hofisi is a human rights lawyer from Zimbabwe and an advanced law student at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He writes in his personal capacity.